Masood__Khan's JumboTweets
- Feb 17: Interview of the President Azad Jammu and Kashmir Sardar Masood Khan
Kashmiris in IOK are suffering grievously;
The world must come forward and help us rescue them; it is our collective responsibility; not just of Pakistan and the people of Kashmir.
Sardar Masood Khan President Azad Jammu and Sardar Shaukat Ali Kashmiri
Q: Where exactly do we stand at this point in our struggle for achieving right to self-determination for the people of Kashmir?
Ans: The struggle for the right to self-determination of the people of Jammu and Kashmir goes on unabated, but any process for its realization, bilateral or multilateral, is stalled because of India's obdurate opposition. Kashmiris are right now facing an existential challenge; how to put an end to killings and mass blindings unleashed by Indian security forces since July 8, 2016. An estimated unarmed 12.5 million Kashmiris are pitted against 700,000 Indian occupation troops which are armed to the teeth. Out of which, some 400,000 troops terrorize, kill, maim and torture the 7 million residents of the Valley of Kashmir. Mass graves of thousands have been discovered; thousands have been victims of enforced disappearances; 'half widows', mothers and families wait forever for those who have "disappeared". The UN and international community have, practically, washed their hands off the Kashmir dispute. Pakistan extends moral, diplomatic and political support to the Kashmiris, but for their physical self-defence they are on their own. This is one of the biggest calamities of our times.
Q: No matter what means are used by the oppressors, history tells us that freedom movements for individual and collective rights have always won. Under the historical framework, are the recent brutalities by India a part of self-defeating mechanism?
Ans: Yes, freedom movements have always succeeded but at a huge cost. Kashmiris are paying that cost with their blood and honour. Imperialists coerce and brutalize subjugated nations to assimilate and exploit them. India is doing precisely that. Using colonial tactics, it is making the price of freedom so prohibitive that, they hope, Kashmiris would be terrorized into submission; dissent would be silenced; and the flame of liberty would be extinguished forever. And yes, despite India's killings and depredations, the flame of freedom burns to its full in Kashmir. For the past seven decades, in order to make IOK part of India's body politic, Delhi has used brute military force to crush the will of the Kashmiris, tried to win them over through blandishments for economic development, nurtured and propped up local political parties sympathetic to India, and demonized Kashmiris as terrorists being supported by Pakistan. As if killing Kashmiris was not enough for Indians, they have been targeting and killing scores of civilians and soldiers on our side of the Line of Control (LOC), too.
Nothing has worked for India. All its plots and machinations have failed, but that has not meant any reduction in the pain and suffering of the Kashmiris. In fact, with each coming year, Indian occupation forces are using more lethal methods and weaponry to escalate state terrorism in Kashmir. India's terror machine in IOK will not dissolve on its own. We need urgent intercession to put an end to Indian acts of genocide and crimes against humanity in Kashmir. Left to its diabolical devices, India's barbarity will become more vicious and will continue in perpetuity. Intercession is needed.
Q: Usually Kashmir Dispute is seen through the prism of so-called Instrument of Accession with India by Maharaja Hari Singh and a revolt by Kashmiris; whereas the struggle for fundamental rights of Kashmiris is much older and deeper. The original sin is attributed to the British who sold it... <<<<<< N.B from Jumbotweet: auto-truncated at 4K characters on index page - Click here or on the "view" link to see entire jumbotweet! http://www.jumbotweet.com/ltweets/view/178692 - Keynote Address by Sardar Masood Khan, President of Azad Jammu and Kashmir
Seminar on Strategic Outlook in the Indian Ocean Region 2030 and Beyond: Evolving Challenges and Strategies.
Karachi; February 11, 2017
Honourable Sartaj Aziz, Adviser to the Prime Minister on Foreign Affairs,
Honourable Admiral Muhammad Zakaullah, Chief of the Naval Staff.
Admiral Tanveer Faiz, Rector Bahria University.
Vice Admiral Khawaja Ghazanfar Hussain, Director General NCMPR,
Naval Officers, Ladies and gentlemen,
Asslam o Alaikum,
It is pleasure to talk to the participants of this conference and I commend Pakistan Navy, Bahria University and the National Centre for Maritime Policy Research for this timely initiative.
The Indian Ocean Region is undergoing a rapid transformation because of three factors: China's rise as the second largest economy in the world and its launch of the transcontinental mega-venture called the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (OBOR); the United States' (unfinished) pivot or rebalance to Asia ('unfinished' because the US strategy is in transition at the moment); and ascent of several emerging economies of the littoral states, including India, Indonesia, Pakistan and others.
In the coming decades, their will be exponential economic activity in and through the Indian Ocean and one would see the region's rapid militarization. The projected time period of this conference - 2030 and beyond - is too long and therefore it is difficult to fully fathom the turbulence and risks that lie ahead, because the pace of change is dizzying and right now we are focused more on the new opportunities
Within that overall context, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor assumes special significance. India fears that the OBOR, undergirded by CPEC, could consign it to the margins of both land and maritime Asia. These developments also scupper Indian hypothesis that the Indian Ocean should remain its exclusive maritime front yard both economically and militarily. India has believed that it owns and dominates the Indian Ocean and that the United States' naval presence at Diego Garcia is largely symbolic, leaving pretty much to India to patrol the high seas from the Gulf of Aden to the Malacca Strait. It only grudgingly recognizes the role and presence of other navies, including Pakistan's.
The changes in the IOR propel India to invest even more heavily in its conventional and strategic military capabilities and to establish its presence in South China Sea. In the coming years, Indian Navy would grow rapidly.
China has already entered into the IOR. In 2008, it dispatched its flotilla for UN Security Council-mandated anti-piracy operations off the Gulf of Aden. Since then, China has sent 25 escort missions to the region comprising missile frigates, supply ships, ship-borne helicopters, special combat soldiers, seamen and officers and carried out humanitarian and sea lane security operations. In the process, it has escorted 6,000 ships and rescued or assisted 60 Chinese and foreign ships.
India has hyped Chinese submarines' "visits" to the Indian Ocean; and the development of the Hambantota and Gwadar ports worries India to create a justification for its tests of submarine launched, second strike capable, long range intercepter missiles in the Indian Ocean. India's concerns extend to the eight Chinese Yuan-class conventional submarines for Pakistan, and nuclear armed missiles on Pakistan's ships. The recent successful test of Pakistan's Sea Launched Cruise Missile (SCLM), Babur 3, with a credible second strike capability, compound concerns of India. All this stems from India's own Monroe doctrine in the form of the Indira Gandhi doctrine or its later versions, which are based essentially on... <<<<<< N.B from Jumbotweet: auto-truncated at 4K characters on index page - Click here or on the "view" link to see entire jumbotweet! http://www.jumbotweet.com/ltweets/view/178690 Seminar on Strategic Outlook in the Indian Ocean Region 2030 and Beyond: Evolving Challenges and Strategies. Karachi; February 11, 2017
Keynote Address by Sardar Masood Khan, President of Azad Jammu and Kashmir
Seminar on Strategic Outlook in the Indian Ocean Region 2030 and Beyond: Evolving Challenges and Strategies.
Karachi; February 11, 2017
Honourable Sartaj Aziz, Adviser to the Prime Minister on Foreign Affairs,
Honourable Admiral Muhammad Zakaullah, Chief of the Naval Staff.
Admiral Tanveer Faiz, Rector Bahria University.
Vice Admiral Khawaja Ghazanfar Hussain, Director General NCMPR,
Naval Officers, Ladies and gentlemen,
Asslam o Alaikum,
It is pleasure to talk to the participants of this conference and I commend Pakistan Navy, Bahria University and the National Centre for Maritime Policy Research for this timely initiative.
The Indian Ocean Region is undergoing a rapid transformation because of three factors: China's rise as the second largest economy in the world and its launch of the transcontinental mega-venture called the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (OBOR); the United States' (unfinished) pivot or rebalance to Asia ('unfinished' because the US strategy is in transition at the moment); and ascent of several emerging economies of the littoral states, including India, Indonesia, Pakistan and others.
In the coming decades, their will be exponential economic activity in and through the Indian Ocean and one would see the region's rapid militarization. The projected time period of this conference - 2030 and beyond - is too long and therefore it is difficult to fully fathom the turbulence and risks that lie ahead, because the pace of change is dizzying and right now we are focused more on the new opportunities
Within that overall context, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor assumes special significance. India fears that the OBOR, undergirded by CPEC, could consign it to the margins of both land and maritime Asia. These developments also scupper Indian hypothesis that the Indian Ocean should remain its exclusive maritime front yard both economically and militarily. India has believed that it owns and dominates the Indian Ocean and that the United States' naval presence at Diego Garcia is largely symbolic, leaving pretty much to India to patrol the high seas from the Gulf of Aden to the Malacca Strait. It only grudgingly recognizes the role and presence of other navies, including Pakistan's.
The changes in the IOR propel India to invest even more heavily in its conventional and strategic military capabilities and to establish its presence in South China Sea. In the coming years, Indian Navy would grow rapidly.
China has already entered into the IOR. In 2008, it dispatched its flotilla for UN Security Council-mandated anti-piracy operations off the Gulf of Aden. Since then, China has sent 25 escort missions to the region comprising missile frigates, supply ships, ship-borne helicopters, special combat soldiers, seamen and officers and carried out humanitarian and sea lane security operations. In the process, it has escorted 6,000 ships and rescued or assisted 60 Chinese and foreign ships.
India has hyped Chinese submarines' "visits" to the Indian Ocean; and the development of the Hambantota and Gwadar ports worries India to create a justification for its tests of submarine launched, second strike capable, long range intercepter missiles in the Indian Ocean. India's concerns extend to the eight Chinese Yuan-class conventional submarines for Pakistan, and nuclear armed missiles on Pakistan's ships. The recent successful test of Pakistan's Sea Launched Cruise Missile (SCLM), Babur 3, with a credible second strike capability, compound concerns of India. All this stems from India's own Monroe doctrine in the form of the Indira Gandhi doctrine or its later versions, which are based essentially on... <<<<<< N.B from Jumbotweet: auto-truncated at 4K characters on index page - Click here or on the "view" link to see entire jumbotweet! http://www.jumbotweet.com/ltweets/view/178689Keynote Address by Sardar Masood Khan, President of Azad Jammu and Kashmir
Seminar on Strategic Outlook in the Indian Ocean Region 2030 and Beyond: Evolving Challenges and Strategies.
Karachi; February 11, 2017
Honourable Sartaj Aziz, Adviser to the Prime Minister on Foreign Affairs,
Honourable Admiral Muhammad Zakaullah, Chief of the Naval Staff.
Admiral Tanveer Faiz, Rector Bahria University.
Vice Admiral Khawaja Ghazanfar Hussain, Director General NCMPR,
Naval Officers, Ladies and gentlemen,
Asslam o Alaikum,
It is pleasure to talk to the participants of this conference and I commend Pakistan Navy, Bahria University and the National Centre for Maritime Policy Research for this timely initiative.
The Indian Ocean Region is undergoing a rapid transformation because of three factors: China's rise as the second largest economy in the world and its launch of the transcontinental mega-venture called the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (OBOR); the United States' (unfinished) pivot or rebalance to Asia ('unfinished' because the US strategy is in transition at the moment); and ascent of several emerging economies of the littoral states, including India, Indonesia, Pakistan and others.
In the coming decades, their will be exponential economic activity in and through the Indian Ocean and one would see the region's rapid militarization. The projected time period of this conference - 2030 and beyond - is too long and therefore it is difficult to fully fathom the turbulence and risks that lie ahead, because the pace of change is dizzying and right now we are focused more on the new opportunities
Within that overall context, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor assumes special significance. India fears that the OBOR, undergirded by CPEC, could consign it to the margins of both land and maritime Asia. These developments also scupper Indian hypothesis that the Indian Ocean should remain its exclusive maritime front yard both economically and militarily. India has believed that it owns and dominates the Indian Ocean and that the United States' naval presence at Diego Garcia is largely symbolic, leaving pretty much to India to patrol the high seas from the Gulf of Aden to the Malacca Strait. It only grudgingly recognizes the role and presence of other navies, including Pakistan's.
The changes in the IOR propel India to invest even more heavily in its conventional and strategic military capabilities and to establish its presence in South China Sea. In the coming years, Indian Navy would grow rapidly.
China has already entered into the IOR. In 2008, it dispatched its flotilla for UN Security Council-mandated anti-piracy operations off the Gulf of Aden. Since then, China has sent 25 escort missions to the region comprising missile frigates, supply ships, ship-borne helicopters, special combat soldiers, seamen and officers and carried out humanitarian and sea lane security operations. In the process, it has escorted 6,000 ships and rescued or assisted 60 Chinese and foreign ships.
India has hyped Chinese submarines' "visits" to the Indian Ocean; and the development of the Hambantota and Gwadar ports worries India to create a justification for its tests of submarine launched, second strike capable, long range intercepter missiles in the Indian Ocean. India's concerns extend to the eight Chinese Yuan-class conventional submarines for Pakistan, and nuclear armed missiles on Pakistan's ships. The recent successful test of Pakistan's Sea Launched Cruise Missile (SCLM), Babur 3, with a credible second strike capability, compound concerns of India. All this stems from India's own Monroe doctrine in the form of the Indira Gandhi doctrine or its later versions, which are based essentially on two postulates: India's prior consent to any external intervention in... <<<<<< N.B from Jumbotweet: auto-truncated at 4K characters on index page - Click here or on the "view" link to see entire jumbotweet! http://www.jumbotweet.com/ltweets/view/178688Keynote Address by Sardar Masood Khan, President of Azad Jammu and Kashmir
Keynote Address by Sardar Masood Khan, President of Azad Jammu and Kashmir
Seminar on Strategic Outlook in the Indian Ocean Region 2030 and Beyond: Evolving Challenges and Strategies.
Karachi; February 11, 2017
Honourable Sartaj Aziz, Adviser to the Prime Minister on Foreign Affairs,
Honourable Admiral Muhammad Zakaullah, Chief of the Naval Staff.
Admiral Tanveer Faiz, Rector Bahria University.
Vice Admiral Khawaja Ghazanfar Hussain, Director General NCMPR,
Naval Officers, Ladies and gentlemen,
Asslam o Alaikum,
It is pleasure to talk to the participants of this conference and I commend Pakistan Navy, Bahria University and the National Centre for Maritime Policy Research for this timely initiative.
The Indian Ocean Region is undergoing a rapid transformation because of three factors: China's rise as the second largest economy in the world and its launch of the transcontinental mega-venture called the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (OBOR); the United States' (unfinished) pivot or rebalance to Asia ('unfinished' because the US strategy is in transition at the moment); and ascent of several emerging economies of the littoral states, including India, Indonesia, Pakistan and others.
In the coming decades, their will be exponential economic activity in and through the Indian Ocean and one would see the region's rapid militarization. The projected time period of this conference - 2030 and beyond - is too long and therefore it is difficult to fully fathom the turbulence and risks that lie ahead, because the pace of change is dizzying and right now we are focused more on the new opportunities
Within that overall context, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor assumes special significance. India fears that the OBOR, undergirded by CPEC, could consign it to the margins of both land and maritime Asia. These developments also scupper Indian hypothesis that the Indian Ocean should remain its exclusive maritime front yard both economically and militarily. India has believed that it owns and dominates the Indian Ocean and that the United States' naval presence at Diego Garcia is largely symbolic, leaving pretty much to India to patrol the high seas from the Gulf of Aden to the Malacca Strait. It only grudgingly recognizes the role and presence of other navies, including Pakistan's.
The changes in the IOR propel India to invest even more heavily in its conventional and strategic military capabilities and to establish its presence in South China Sea. In the coming years, Indian Navy would grow rapidly.
China has already entered into the IOR. In 2008, it dispatched its flotilla for UN Security Council-mandated anti-piracy operations off the Gulf of Aden. Since then, China has sent 25 escort missions to the region comprising missile frigates, supply ships, ship-borne helicopters, special combat soldiers, seamen and officers and carried out humanitarian and sea lane security operations. In the process, it has escorted 6,000 ships and rescued or assisted 60 Chinese and foreign ships.
India has hyped Chinese submarines' "visits" to the Indian Ocean; and the development of the Hambantota and Gwadar ports worries India to create a justification for its tests of submarine launched, second strike capable, long range intercepter missiles in the Indian Ocean. India's concerns extend to the eight Chinese Yuan-class conventional submarines for Pakistan, and nuclear armed missiles on Pakistan's ships. The recent successful test of Pakistan's Sea Launched Cruise Missile (SCLM), Babur 3, with a credible second strike capability, compound concerns of India. All this stems from India's own Monroe doctrine in the form of the Indira Gandhi doctrine or its later versions, which are based essentially... <<<<<< N.B from Jumbotweet: auto-truncated at 4K characters on index page - Click here or on the "view" link to see entire jumbotweet! http://www.jumbotweet.com/ltweets/view/178687